Sinhala diplomacy that was genesis and integral to one of the worst paradigms of human civilisation that synchronised intervention of every shade of the International Community of Establishments (ICE) with State-conducted genocide, now suffers from incurable paranoia. The paranoia results from the gravity of the crimes already committed, inability to yield in to justice, insatiable desire to commit further crimes of structural genocide and from the unpredictability of the very ICE partners. In his own stance of an ostrich, Colombo’s diplomat Dr Dayan Jayatilleka thinks that a cosmetic provincial devolution within a unitary system could resolve the dilemma of the Sinhala State between accomplishing genocide and outsmarting the ‘intervening’ ICE, commented a Tamil activist for alternative politics in the island, responding to Dayan’s feature that appeared in The Island on Wednesday.
If ICE intervention is the only way for the emancipation of Eezham Tamils, then for all practical purposes, the ICE intervention could come only when the global Tamils prove that they are not going to be with the ICE games anymore, and prove that having them as international political opponents is not going to be conducive to the ICE interests, compared to what the ICE could achieve by appeasing the genocidal Sinhala State, commented the political activist in the island.
In the article titled “Devolution, Sri Lanka’s defence and security – A realist response to Prof GH Peiris” that appeared in the Colombo media, The Island, on Wednesday, Dayan Jayatilleka summarised his paranoia on the ICE intervention in the following words:
“The last time, Sri Lanka was able to roll back that intervention because the LTTE took on the IPKF, generating collective cognitive dissonance in Tamil Nadu which in turn led to VP Singh making and fulfilling an electoral promise to withdraw Indian troops.”
“In any future scenario of intervention, this factor will not operate. There will be no Tamil army fighting the Indians or anyone else who may come along. There will also be no foreign troops in the Sinhala areas, and therefore no possibility of a heroic, protracted, patriotic guerrilla war of national liberation against them.”
“The Sri Lankan armed forces, being almost totally Sinhala, will find it impossible to wage guerrilla war in Tamil areas, with restive Tamil civilians in its rear, against a foreign interventionist force, which is in any case able to neutralise our most significant military assets not just in the North but all over the island, in a single strike wave.”
“There will be an overwhelming force projection which cuts off the Tamil areas and imposes punitive strikes (as happened to Serbia) in case of massive Tamil civilian casualties due to reactive ‘ethnic cleansing’ (real or perceived) in the South,” Dayan wrote.
Dayan was citing the US military arrangements with the Maldives and India’s Naval Base at Thanjavur, threatening Sri Lanka from making the “natural borders” secured through “costly military victory” as a permanent one.
The thrust of Dayan’s solutions was how to hoodwink the North, as the Sinhala State is confident about its accomplishment of genocide in the East.
He cited Sinhala historian Prof KM de Silva writing “that the matter ultimately boils down to the Northern Province and conceding that the case for devolution to that province is a rather strong one, unlike that for a merged North-East or even for the Eastern province.”
“Moderate, prudently centripetal provincial devolution is an indispensable part of our national defence shield,” Dayan said in the article.
To his support, Dayan brought in the so-called Tamil diplomat Tamara Kunanayakam in the service of the genocidal Sinhala State.
It is this genre in the garb of ‘Leftism’, dealing with a particular set of Establishments in support of genocidal Colombo that needs true scrutiny from the critics of the so-called Leftism – not the call for asking Eezham Tamils to become universally anti-Establishment in a democratic way of humanity, commented the Tamil activist for alternative politics.
Dayan’s paranoia even imagined “bargaining” district level devolution with Tamil politicians as an option worthy of mention in his article.
“I would withdraw my argument [for provincial devolution] if a grand bargain could be struck with the predominant parliamentary party of the Tamils in which provincial devolution is replaced by devolution to the district in exchange for a more equal citizenship—which I have called the ‘Soulbury Plus’ scenario,” he wrote.
While Tamil nationalists may have federalism on their wish list, his debate was pertaining to provincial level devolution within a unitary state, Dayan concluded his feature responding to Prof G.H. Peiris’s “The case against the Thirteenth Amendment.”
Tamil politicians, activists, media operators and lobbyists in the service of the powers who advocate Tamils to follow the 13th Amendment route or the worse ‘non-descript’ LLRC-based US resolution route should note that preventing Tamils rising up against the ICE is in the ultimate interest of genocidal Sri Lanka saving itself from the inevitability of international intervention, commented the Tamil activist in the island for alternative politics.
Sunday Island: Devolution, Sri Lanka’s defence and security A realist response to Prof GH Peiris
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