Remembering Mu’l’livaaykkaal to focus on injustice of powers

With all recent revelations, the most crucial question the Eezham Tamils have to now openly ask Washington and New Delhi is that like their understanding on the elimination of the LTTE, whether they have already decided that dismemberment of the Eezham Tamil nation is the ‘lasting solution’ for the national crisis in the island – whether they have already entered into an agreement with the Rajapaksa regime on this. It is folly on the part of a section of Tamil political circles to think that they should not confront the powers on this crucial question of life and death of their nation. Remembering Mu’l’livaaykkaal in the month of May should mobilise Eezham Tamils of all political shades to rise up in unison and boldly ask justice for what Washington and New Delhi had done to them. Tamils have seen enough of the ‘reconciliation and development’ hoodwink.

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The way the war was brought to an end at Mu’l’livaaykkaal in May 2009 has imperceptibly, but in a spelt out way, transferred the struggle into the hands of the Eezham Tamil masses.

The democratic struggle of the people need to have no bounds or diplomatic niceties unlike the armed struggle of the LTTE that had constrains of caring for what the powers would think or how the powers would respond. People’s struggle is spontaneous as it takes place now in North Africa and West Asia.

More and more new dimensions of understanding the struggle are unfolding to Eezham Tamils, as more and more time passes on without solutions to the fundamental issues, but with planned structural genocide.

The Wikileaks revelations now tell us clearly that the establishments of the USA and India determined to destroy the security balance of Eezham Tamils at whatever cost and mobilised all the others to execute it.

The USA and India could neither agree on a joint demarche to extract a political solution from Colombo nor did they care to insist on getting it before the war. The genocidal end of the war seems to be their wish and Mahinda Rajapaksa only executed it as an agent. That is perhaps the strength of Rajapaksa today in not caring for any genuine solution.

Even at the time of the war the Eezham Tamils have raised the question whether the LTTE or the national liberation cause of the Eezham Tamils was their problem. What both the USA and India tell after the war show that the liberation of Tamils was their problem.

Whatever the problems that were there with the LTTE, the logical end of the faulty premises on which the USA and India have approached the crisis in the island has for the first time in recent history put these powers on the seriously indicted list in the eyes of the real international community. This is a new experience for both of them, resulting from the new experiment of imperialism both have undertaken.

Human rights organisations tell us of the danger of Rajapaksa model becoming an inspiration for some other countries and want that to be prevented. The real danger for the international community is allowing powers like the USA and India to carryout experiments of the kind they ‘premeditated’ on Eezham Tamils.

The most crucial question the Eezham Tamils have to now openly ask Washington and New Delhi is that like their understanding on the elimination of the LTTE, whether they have already decided that dismemberment of the Eezham Tamil nation is the ‘lasting solution’ for the national crisis in the island – whether they have already entered into an agreement with the Rajapaksa regime on this.

There is no point in asking this question to Mahinda Rajapaksa or to the genocidal section of the Sinhala nation. We know the answer. So, the question has to be addressed to the perpetrators.

Eezham Tamils have enough reasons to believe that whatever colonisation, militarization, demographic changes and subjugation takes place in the island against them, all of them takes place in a hurried way with overt and covert blessings and support of the powers.

It is folly on the part of a section of Tamil political circles to think that they should not confront the powers on this crucial question of life and death of their nation.

The same hesitation was seen before in some circles when the public got into streets demanding the war to be stopped and again when the Eezham Tamil diaspora re-mandated the independence and sovereignty of the nation of Eezham Tamils.

In the unfolding scenario, remembering Mu’l’livaaykkaal in the month of May should mobilise Eezham Tamils of all political shades to rise up in unison and boldly ask justice for what Washington and New Delhi had done to them. In the last two years Tamils have seen enough of the ‘reconciliation and development’ hoodwink.

The US Asst Secretary of State Robert Blake often implies that Eezham Tamils have to build up civil society and political leadership. There is no need to tell him that healthy politics could come only when there is hope on the fundamentals. When there is no hope on the age-old questions and when the oppression is overwhelming there could be only opportunism and despicable collaboration on one hand and anarchy and rebellion on the other.

The stand of both the USA and India on the unity of a genocidal state, which encourages the genocidal process further in the island, doesn’t give hope on any justice coming from them.

With all what had gone before, unless Washington and New Delhi publicly admit the reality of two nations in the island and the need for a solution on that basis, Eezham Tamils having reconciliation with those two establishments would be difficult. It would be difficult even if by force the Eezham Tamils become Sinhalese.

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